It has been a year since senior representatives of Iran and Saudi Arabia warmly shook hands in front of the world's major media, surprising international forums with the news of Tehran and Riyadh's agreement to normalize bilateral relations. On March 10, 2023, Rear Admiral Ali Shamkhani, the political advisor to the Leader of the Islamic Revolution, the former head of Iran's Supreme National Security Council (SNSC), and Saudi National Security Advisor Musaed bin Mohammed Al-Aiban, representing their respective countries, agreed to end seven years of strained relations and restore mutual diplomatic ties between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia.
Undoubtedly, this agreement, which caused significant domestic, regional, and international political waves, can be considered a major event of last Persian year (ended on March 20, 2023).
Initial reactions from countries and international media to the re-establishment of relations between these two political powers of West Asia were a mix of surprise and caution. Some termed it a "cold peace," others a "sharing responsible neighborhood" approach, while some attempted to label it as a "futile show." Now, over a year since the agreement, tested through various challenges, a more realistic judgment can be made regarding its effectiveness on bilateral relations and its impact on regional and international dynamics, especially on the future developments in the region.
Undoubtedly, the key figure in this agreement, emphasized by both domestic and foreign political and media groups, was Ali Shamkhani. A military-political figure, Shamkhani holds the highest Saudi Arabian honor, known as "Abdulaziz," conferred upon him by Raja Fahd bin Abdul Aziz Al-Saud in 2000, in recognition of Shamkhani's influential role in developing relations between Tehran and Riyadh.
Nearly two years before the signing of the Iran-Saudi Arabia agreement in Beijing, which marked the beginning of a new chapter in bilateral relations, frequent reports circulated about discussions between Shamkhani's former deputy in foreign affairs, Amir Saeed Iravani, and current Iranian representative to the United Nations, and Khalid bin Ali Al-Humaidan, the head of Saudi Arabia's intelligence service and the special envoy of the Saudi king. Due to Iraq's hosting of these talks, news about the negotiations, usually without details, was released by Iraqi authorities to the media. Tehran and Riyadh also refrained from commenting on these discussions. Later, it became evident that these talks laid the groundwork within a special mission guided by Shamkhani, culminating in the signing of a joint statement in March 2023, initiating a new phase of cooperation in Beijing.
The interview with Shamkhani was previously scheduled. However, an urgent and unforeseeable need for immediate surgery to address an old injury delayed the interview for several days, conducted during his hospitalization. Due to the interview's hospital setting, it was not possible to address all aspects of the issue comprehensively. Therefore, we limited the conversation to be continued later to explore a more comprehensive and untold perspective on the matter. While extending gratitude and wishes for Shamkhani's health, we present a summary of this interview.
Last Persian year, the relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia shifted course after a seven-year spell of escalating tensions. Besides numerous contentious issues that had somewhat soured the two countries' relations, reports of negotiators from Iran and Saudi Arabia meeting in Baghdad in the months leading to the agreement surfaced, adding to the anticipation. The culmination of these events last year made the Iran-Saudi agreement a significant bombshell.
Prior to the release of joint photographs of country delegations in important negotiations, it is widely known that confidential discussions, and presumably challenging dynamics, occur. Based on this premise, the core of negotiations between Iran and Saudi Arabia likely adhered to this norm. When did the negotiations between Iran and Saudi Arabia start?
The negotiations commenced approximately two years prior to the agreement, around March 2022, at the Secretariat of the National Security Council. Initial talks between Iranian and Saudi representatives took place in Baghdad. Iran was represented by Mr. Amir Saeed Iravani, who currently serves as Iran's ambassador to the United Nations, and at the time held the position of Shamkhani's deputy in foreign affairs. Saudi Arabia was represented by Khalid Humaidan, the head of the Saudi Arabia's General Intelligence Directorate, with Iraq hosting the discussions. Iraqi ex-prime minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi, consistently attended the initial sessions. Approximately 8 rounds of negotiations were conducted, focusing on fundamental issues and concerns of both countries. After Iran's President Ebrahim Raisi took power, efforts were made to continue negotiations and keep the door open. Ultimately, during President Raisi's trip to China and his discussions with the Chinese president, China agreed to facilitate the ongoing process, leading to further negotiations between the empowered representatives of both countries in Beijing from February 20 to 30, 2023. These intensive and challenging discussions, lasting about a week, culminated in the signing of a joint agreement to embark on a new chapter in the bilateral relations between the two countries.
After the agreement was signed, numerous domestic and foreign media outlets speculated that the talks between Iran and Saudi Arabia were conducted outside the direct management of Raisi’s government. You were specifically tasked with following up on this issue and reaching a conclusion. This speculation was further fueled by your immediate appointment as the political advisor to the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution after stepping down from the head of SNSC, assigning a purely political role to an individual with a military background, reinforcing the perception that you would play a more significant role in governance at the highest level than merely a military figure. Consequently, repairing the strained relationship between Tehran and Riyadh was defined as a special mission for you. Please provide further explanations in this regard.
Personally, I believe these matters are not significant and, as you say, are media speculation. The crucial point is to have the intelligence at the governance level to utilize any capacity within the government structure at any given time to advance national goals and interests. Naturally, all components of governance must interact with each other to achieve strategic successes. Ignoring the necessity of synergizing various governance capacities would render strategic successes unattainable. This important point should be noted, and other issues such as the roles of individuals or "special missions" are secondary matters that, in my opinion, do not warrant attention.
Over the past year, foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia and Iran have engaged in meetings, diplomatic representations have resumed, and notably, President Raisi visited Riyadh after eleven years, marking a significant milestone. Discussions and exchanges during this time have led to progress in bilateral relations, even witnessing a noticeable shift in the tone of official and semi-official media of both countries. The agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia over the past year has faced various tests, but observers believe it presents potential opportunities for advancing relations. What is your assessment of the progress in Iran-Saudi relations, and how much do you think has been achieved?
The formation of this agreement and subsequent actions, including ambassadorial exchanges and high-level dialogues, demonstrates the willingness and capability of both countries to enhance their relationship. Despite commendable efforts by various sectors, particularly in foreign policy, to activate potential capacities between the two nations, there remains a personal opinion that more acceleration can be applied to the initiated process. Given the significance of Iran and Saudi Arabia in the region, maximizing cooperation opportunities for regional and international developments is imperative. Opportunities are like spring clouds; they form quickly, bring rain, and pass by. If we cannot timely and effectively seize them, it's unclear whether they will repeat.
Perhaps the most significant impact of normalizing relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia, after the political aspect, can be seen in economic openings. Your trip shortly after the release of statements from Iran and Saudi Arabia to the UAE and Iraq, which, along with security dimensions, also included significant economic agreements, showed that Iran pays special attention to the economic aspects of relations with neighboring countries. At that time, it was perceived that negotiations with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Iraq formed a chain reaction, and at the same time, they showed positive effects in reducing currency rates and... It seems that over the past year, despite previous expectations, there has been no significant progress in the economic aspect of relations with Saudi Arabia. What do you think is the reason for this?
Normalizing relations between Iran and countries like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Iraq potentially holds great capacity for improving our country's economic conditions. Naturally, if we seek common ground with these countries, we mainly focus on economic aspects because our political relations vary with each of them. However, collaboration with these three countries can potentially create new opportunities for Iran economically. Bringing the capacities of cooperation with regional countries into action requires precise planning and scheduling to integrate into the regional supply chain and value chain.
The undeniable reality is that regional countries have matured to the point where comprehensive and sustainable development necessitates moving away from geopolitical rivalries and fostering mutual enhancement in geo-economic capacities. Even if competition exists, it should be in this field. One characteristic of the future order in the region is collective efforts towards "managing tensions" as a necessary condition for cooperation based on collective interests. The new relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia are significant indicators of such an approach's development in the West Asian region.
The Zionist regime's attack on the Gaza Strip and the five-month battle in Gaza Strip escalated tensions in the region. Contrary to the predictions of Western political and media circles, the dimensions of this war not only did not detract Iran and Saudi Arabia from their course of tension relief but also demonstrated that the depth of Tehran and Riyadh relations is much greater than some analysts envisioned a year ago. It appears that the Gaza war has somewhat aligned Iran and Saudi Arabia and pushed both countries towards deeper diplomatic interaction.
The Palestinian issue is the foremost concern and shared dilemma of all Islamic countries, including Iran and Saudi Arabia, as two important and central countries in the Islamic world, which can further foster cooperation. Events that took place during the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) meeting in this period can be viewed as positive developments in this regard.
A crucial point in this regard is the ongoing changes in the international order, where regional relations hold extremely significant importance. In the past, the international order influenced regional relations, but now the equation has somewhat flipped; regional orders impact the international order. From the perspective, West Asia, its regional relations hold double importance economically, politically, and in terms of security. Especially since this region is an energy hub and plays a crucial role in shaping regional influence on global and international orders. From this perspective, regional countries have come to the conclusion that tensions must be managed.
However, the Zionist regime, which sees its survival in the continuation of tension and conflict, continues to move against the current trend in the region and tries to involve regional countries in escalation games. In the current circumstances, as much as regional relations develop based on mutual interests, especially with economic ties guaranteed, it can be hoped that a new regional order will present fresh opportunities for all regional countries. An order based on serving the interests of West Asian countries rather than serving the interests of non-regional countries, as it largely was in the past.
NOURNEWS